World Values Survey (Canada) Immigrant and native born respondent comparisons
4. Immigration and citizenship
What about respondents' views about immigration, citizenship, and diversity? Some WVS questions ask respondents about how much importance they attach to three different requirements for citizenship: Having relatives in Canada, abiding by Canadian laws, and adopting Canada's customs. Figure 4-1 to Figure 4-3 and Table 4-1 to Table 4-3 show the basic distributions for each of the three groups is similar. Less than half of all respondents in each group think that having relatives in Canada is an important requirement for citizenship. By contrast, over 90 percent of respondents report that abiding by Canadian laws is a "very important" requisite for obtaining citizenship.
When it comes to adopting Canada's customs (Figure 4-3), however, there are truly striking differences between Canadian Born, earlier immigrant and recent immigrant respondents. Over 60 percent of Canadian born respondents, compared to 50 percent of earlier immigrant respondents, and one third of recent immigrant respondents, thought it was "very important" for new citizens to adopt the customs of Canada. Recent immigrants are about half as likely as their counterparts to think that adopting Canadian customs is an important requirement for citizenship.
Question: In your opinion, how important should the following be as requirements for somebody seeking citizenship of your country? Specify for each requirement if you consider it as very important, rather important, or not important having relatives in Canada.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Very important | 19.3% | 21.6% | 22.8% |
Rather important | 29.2% | 28.9% | 21.4% |
Not important | 51.5% | 49.5% | 55.8% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,733) | (n=291) | (n=570) |
N = 2,594
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Figure 4-1: Having relatives in Canada as requirement for citizenship
Text version: Having relatives in Canada as requirement for citizenship
Not important | Rather important | Very important | |
---|---|---|---|
Canadian Born | 51.5% | 29.2% | 19.3% |
Earlier Immigrants | 49.5% | 28.9% | 21.6% |
Recent Immigrants | 55.8% | 21.4% | 22.8% |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
N=2,594
Question: In your opinion, how important should the following be as requirements for somebody seeking citizenship of your country? Specify for each requirement if you consider it as very important, rather important, or not important abiding by Canadian laws.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Very important | 95.7% | 93.2% | 90.7% |
Rather important | 4.2% | 6.1% | 9.1% |
Not important | 0.2% | 0.7% | 0.2% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,758) | (n=295) | (n=569) |
N = 2,622
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Figure 4-2: Abiding by Canadian laws as requirement for citizenship
Text version: Abiding by Canadian laws as requirement for citizenship
Not important | Rather important | Very important | |
---|---|---|---|
Canadian Born | 0.2% | 4.2% | 95.7% |
Earlier Immigrants | 0.7% | 6.1% | 93.2% |
Recent Immigrants | 0.2% | 9.1% | 90.7% |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
N=2,622
Question: In your opinion, how important should the following be as requirements for somebody seeking citizenship of your country? Specify for each requirement if you consider it as very important, rather important, or not important adopting Canada’s customs.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Very important | 60.3% | 50.5% | 32.9% |
Rather important | 29.4% | 40.2% | 47.3% |
Not important | 10.4% | 9.3% | 19.8% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,739) | (n=291) | (n=566) |
N = 2,596
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Figure 4-3: Adopting Canada's customs as requirement for citizenship
Text version: Adopting Canada's customs as requirement for citizenship
Not important | Rather important | Very important | |
---|---|---|---|
Canadian Born | 10.4% | 29.4% | 60.3% |
Earlier Immigrants | 9.3% | 40.2% | 50.5% |
Recent Immigrants | 19.8% | 47.3% | 32.9% |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
N=2,596
That native born Canadians attach importance to citizens adopting Canadian customs, could well reflect broader views about cultural diversity.
The WVS asks two questions which allow us to investigate this issue in greater detail. First, respondents were presented with two statements and asked to rate (1-10) which came closest to their own views. Statement #1 reads: "Cultural diversity undermines Canadian unity" (1). And statement #2 reads: "Cultural diversity enriches life in Canada" (10). A score of 8 or higher on the ten-point scale signifies strong support for the idea that cultural diversity enriches society.
Clearly, recent immigrants are the most likely to feel strongly that cultural diversity enriches life in Canada. As Figure 4-4 shows, over 73 percent strongly agree with the statement compared to 65 percent of earlier immigrants, and about half (49 percent) of Canadian born respondents.
Figure 4-4: Cultural diversity enriches life in Canada
Question: Turning to the question of cultural diversity, with which of the following views do you agree? 10-point scale; 1 = cultural diversity erodes a country's unity; 10 = cultural diversity enriches life. Results reported for strong agreement of “cultural diversity enriches life” (8-10)
Text version: Cultural diversity enriches life in Canada
Canadian Born | 49.2% |
---|---|
Recent Immigrants | 65.1% |
Earlier Immigrants | 73.2% |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
N=2,519
This finding provides context for interpreting responses to the second question: "Do you feel that in your dealings with the government, you have been treated better than other Canadians, about the same as other Canadians, worse than other Canadians, or much worse than other Canadians?"Footnote 5
Only a small minority of respondents believe that immigrants are treated poorly (Figure 4-5). The striking finding here is that Canadian born respondents are almost 10 times more likely than recent immigrants (and twice as likely as earlier immigrants) to say that the government treats immigrants better than other Canadians (Table 4-4). And significantly, recent immigrants (11.6 percent) are somewhat less likely than their earlier counterparts (22.7 percent) and Canadian born respondents (19.8 percent) to believe that they are treated worse than "other Canadians".
Question: (Asked to recent immigrants) Do you feel that in your dealings with the government, you have been treated better than other Canadians, about the same as other Canadians, worse than other Canadians, or much worse than other Canadians? / (Asked to Canadian born and earlier immigrant respondents) How do you feel immigrants are treated in Canada?
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Better than other Canadians | 23.5% | 10.3% | 2.9% |
About the same as other Canadians | 56.8% | 67.0% | 85.5% |
Worse than other Canadians | 18.2% | 20.2% | 10.9% |
Much worse than other Canadians | 1.6% | 2.5% | 0.7% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,667) | (n=282) | (n=560) |
N = 2,509
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Figure 4-5: How are immigrants treated
Question: (Asked of recent immigrants only) Do you feel that in your dealings with the government, you have been treated better than other Canadians, about the same as other Canadians, worse than other Canadians, or much worse than other Canadians? / (Asked of Canadian born and early immigrant respondents only) How do you feel immigrants are treated in Canada?
Text version: How are immigrants treated
Worse | Same | Better | |
---|---|---|---|
Canadian Born | 19.8% | 56.8% | 23.5% |
Earlier Immigrants | 22.7% | 67.0% | 10.3% |
Recent Immigrants | 11.6% | 85.5% | 2.9% |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
N=2,509
These opinions about cultural diversity and immigrant treatment may be related to views on immigration policy. Immigrants are much more favourable to liberal immigration policies than their counterparts. The WVS asks respondents: "When it comes to people from other countries coming to work, which do you think the government should do?" Of the four choices available, Table 4-5 shows that Canadian born respondents are about evenly divided. Some 46.6 percent think that the government ought to "place strict limits on the number of foreigners who can come," and 45.6 percent say that the government should "let people come as long as there are jobs available." There is virtually no difference between recent and early immigrants: About 64 percent of respondents think that the government should "let people come as long as there are jobs available." And both earlier and recent immigrants are less inclined than Canadian born respondents to want the government to "place strict limits" on foreign workers.
Question: When it comes to people form other countries coming to work, which do you think the government should do?
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Let anyone come who wants to | 5.5% | 10.7% | 8.7% |
Let people come as long as there are jobs available | 45.6% | 64.3% | 63.6% |
Place strict limits on the number of foreigners who can come | 46.6% | 24.3% | 27.1% |
Prohibit people coming here from other countries | 2.3% | 0.7% | 0.5% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,714) | (n=280) | (n=561) |
N = 2,555
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Are positive views towards cultural diversity related to positive views about the immigration process? The short answer is yes: Across the entire sample, those who think that cultural diversity enriches Canada are significantly less likely to believe that adopting the country's customs is very important for citizenship (r=-.188; p<.01). They are also less likely to think that immigrants are treated better than other Canadians (r=-.250; p<.01). And they are less likely to agree that strict limits should be placed on immigration numbers (r=-.170; p<.01).Footnote 6
Feelings about cultural diversity may also be related to levels of general tolerance. The general principle of tolerance has wide support in Canada, but people do not necessarily apply the principle to "all spheres in equal measure" (Nevitte, 1996).
The WVS asks respondents questions that allow us to examine specific types of tolerance. It invites respondents to identify from a list any groups that "you would not like to have as neighbours." (Table 4-6) Factor analysis shows that responses consistently cluster along two dimensions: The first dimension might be labeled social intolerance; it includes not wanting to have as neighbours drug addicts, people with AIDS, heavy drinkers, homosexuals, and unmarried couples living together. The second dimension, perhaps, captures cultural intolerance: not wanting to have as neighbours people of a different religion, immigrants, people who speak a different language, and Muslims.
Question: On this card are various groups of people. Could you please read out any that you would not like to have as neighbours?
Percent Mentioned | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Group | Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | N |
Drug addicts | 80.8% | 83.6% | 91.4% | 2,603 |
People who have AIDS | 11.7% | 13.1% | 27.6% | 2,543 |
Heavy drinkers | 61.3% | 69.2% | 80.6% | 2,597 |
Homosexuals | 13.3% | 21.2% | 33.9% | 2,548 |
Unmarried couples living together | 2.8% | 5.3% | 8.8% | 2,544 |
People of a different race | 3.0% | 2.5% | 3.0% | 2,541 |
People of a different religion | 2.5% | 2.8% | 2.7% | 2,539 |
Immigrants | 4.8% | 2.5% | 1.8% | 2,535 |
People who speak a different language | 3.7% | 2.8% | 3.0% | 2,545 |
Muslims | 12.9% | 8.0% | 10.3% | 2,529 |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
The data show that very few Canadians, immigrants or non-immigrants, are particularly intolerant along the cultural dimension. Of the groups in the cultural dimension, only Muslims exceed 10 percent as an unwanted outgroup (12.9 percent for Canadian born, 8.0 percent for earlier immigrants and 10.3 percent for recent immigrants).
There are much larger differences along the social dimension. Over 90 percent of recent immigrants do not want drug addicts as neighbours, compared to just over 80 percent for Canadian born and earlier immigrants. The difference is even more pronounced for heavy drinkers. While only 31.3 percent of Canadian born respondents did not want heavy drinkers as neighbours, 69.2 percent of earlier immigrants and 80.6 percent of recent immigrants see heavy drinkers as undesirable. The same goes for homosexuals: while only 13.3 percent of Canadian born and 21.2 percent of earlier immigrants picked homosexuals as an unwanted group, 33.9 percent of recent immigrants identified homosexuals as a group they would not like to have as a neighbour.
It appears, then, that although immigrants, are more likely to support cultural diversity, those feelings do not necessarily translate into tolerance at all levels. Indeed, recent immigrants appear to be less socially tolerant than others.
But if Canadians are generally tolerant people, why are Canadian born respondents less likely to have favourable views about cultural diversity? A somewhat more nuanced explanation might be that attitudes towards outgroups, and cultural diversity more generally, are affected by perceptions of economic vulnerability (Cochrane and Nevitte, 2007). This "ethnic competition hypothesis" argues that the competition for scarce resources increases intergroup conflict; prejudice towards outgroups increases when majority groups perceive competition in the labour market as coming from immigrant minorities (Burns and Gimpel, 2000). And as Citrin et. al. (1997) observe, even the perception of a general economic downturn, rather than any personal economic hardship, can affect views about immigration and diversity.
The economic competition hypothesis can be tested using both subjective and objective variables. The perception of economic hardship can be regressed using indicators of overall financial satisfaction and life satisfactionFootnote 7. Life satisfaction, in particular, can be included to measure perceptions of a general threat which, according to the ethnic competition hypothesis, could be blamed on immigrant minorities (McLaren, 2003). Objective measures of economic security include: total household income and current employment status.
Another possibility is that views about cultural diversity may also be related to structural factors. Previous research clearly shows that levels of tolerance are strongly related both to education attainment and age (Nevitte, 1996). The young and better educated tend to be more tolerant than those who are older and less educated.
The OLS regression results reported in Table 4.7 tests the economic security and education hypotheses; attitudes towards cultural diversity are the dependent variable.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
B | S.E. | B | S.E. | B | S.E. | |
Education | .137 at p < .01 | .035 | .025 | .085 | .323 at p < .01 | .108 |
Age | .001 | .049 | -.086 | .123 | .399 at p < .01 | .117 |
Low Income | .027 | .032 | .044 | .078 | .044 | .043 |
Employed Part Time | -.053 | .044 | -.085 | .106 | .060 | .060 |
Unemployed | -.060 | .047 | -.103 | .124 | -.038 | .055 |
Life Satisfaction | .161 at p < .05 | .075 | .369 | .202 | .201 | .125 |
Financial Satisfaction | .041 | .062 | .211 | .171 | .096 | .103 |
Constant | .260 at p < .01 | .072 | .253 | .190 | .072 | .140 |
Adjusted R2 | .015 | .018 | .044 | |||
N | 1,410 | 233 | 477 |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
The results of the analysis show that support for cultural diversity among Canadian born respondents is predicted primarily by educational attainment and levels of life satisfaction: Those with higher education and higher levels of life satisfaction than other Canadian born respondents are more likely to support cultural diversity in Canada. Objective measures of economic hardship, such as low income and employment status, are not significant. At least for Canadian born respondents, support for cultural diversity is explained by subjective evaluations of life in general.
For earlier immigrants, no single variable in the regression was found to be significant. Neither the economic competition hypothesis nor structural explanations predict how earlier immigrants feel about cultural diversity.
Among recent immigrants, the significant predictors of support for cultural diversity are educational attainment and age. Recent immigrants with higher levels of education than other newcomers are more likely to support cultural diversity. But intriguingly it is older, not younger, recent immigrants who are more likely to support cultural diversity.
4.1. Identity
Results presented earlier compare levels of national pride between the three groups. 71.1 percent of those born in Canada, 69.6 percent of earlier immigrants, and 52.2 percent of recent immigrants said they felt "very proud" to be Canadian (Table 2-13). Are those variations related to the levels of peoples' attachments? Some people identify primarily with their province, others identify primarily with their local community. Yet other respondents see themselves as world citizens.
There is no particular reason to suppose that those who identify primarily with their local community, or province, will necessarily exhibit lower levels of national pride. Though it might be argued that immigrants, socialized in other national settings, might adopt more cosmopolitan outlooks.
All respondents were asked whether they strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree with the statement: "I see myself as…a citizen of the world/a citizen of North America/a citizen of Canada as a whole/a citizen of my province or region/a member of my local community".
The results, summarized in Table 4-8 to Table 4-12, indicate that recent immigrants are less likely than earlier immigrants and Canadian born respondents to "strongly agree" with any particular communal identity, with the exception of identifying as a world citizen. For all three groups, respondents are most inclined to strongly identify as a citizen of Canada and least likely to identify as a citizen of North America (Figure 4-6), again with the exception of the "world citizen" identity.
Question: People have different views about themselves and how they relate to the world. Would you tell me how strongly you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about how you see yourself
I see myself as a member of my local community.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Strongly agree | 33.6% | 31.6% | 19.9% |
Agree | 57.9% | 56.1% | 67.0% |
Disagree | 7.9% | 11.9% | 12.1% |
Strongly disagree | 0.7% | 0.3% | 1.1% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,756) | (n=294) | (n=564) |
N = 2,614
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Question: People have different views about themselves and how they relate to the world. Would you tell me how strongly you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about how you see yourself
I see myself as a citizen of my province or region.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Strongly agree | 41.9% | 36.0% | 26.1% |
Agree | 56.2% | 56.9% | 64.3% |
Disagree | 1.8% | 6.7% | 8.5% |
Strongly disagree | 0.1% | 0.3% | 1.1% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,754) | (n=297) | (n=566) |
N = 2,617
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Question: People have different views about themselves and how they relate to the world. Would you tell me how strongly you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about how you see yourself
I see myself as a citizen of Canada as a whole.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Strongly agree | 44.8% | 48.1% | 38.2% |
Agree | 51.8% | 48.1% | 57.2% |
Disagree | 3.0% | 3.4% | 3.9% |
Strongly disagree | 0.4% | 0.3% | 0.7% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,758) | (n=295) | (n=565) |
N = 2,618
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Question: People have different views about themselves and how they relate to the world. Would you tell me how strongly you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about how you see yourself
I see myself as a citizen of North America.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Strongly agree | 26.5% | 26.8% | 16.0% |
Agree | 57.9% | 53.6% | 59.4% |
Disagree | 13.5% | 16.5% | 21.7% |
Strongly disagree | 2.0% | 3.1% | 2.9% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,744) | (n=291) | (n=557) |
N = 2,592
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Question: People have different views about themselves and how they relate to the world. Would you tell me how strongly you agree or disagree with each of the following statements about how you see yourself I see myself as a world citizen.
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Strongly agree | 30.6% | 31.8% | 34.5% |
Agree | 55.5% | 56.4% | 51.9% |
Disagree | 12.1% | 9.3% | 13.3% |
Strongly disagree | 1.8% | 2.4% | 0.4% |
Total | 100.0% | 100.0% | 100.0% |
(n=1,729) | (n=289) | (n=565) |
N = 2,583
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
Figure 4-6: Strongly agree with communal identities.
Question: Would you tell me how strongly you agree or disagree with each of the following statements? I see myself as…a member of my local community / as a citizen of my province or region / as a citizen of Canada as a whole / as a citizen of North America / as a world citizen. Strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree. Results reported are for responses of "strongly agree".
Text version: Strongly agree with communal identities
Canadian Born | Earlier Immigrants | Recent Immigrants | |
---|---|---|---|
Local Community | 33.6% | 31.6% | 19.9% |
Province | 41.9% | 36.0% | 26.1% |
Canada | 44.8% | 48.1% | 38.2% |
North America | 26.5% | 26.8% | 16.0% |
World | 30.6% | 31.8% | 34.5% |
Source: 2006 World Values Survey
It comes as little surprise to discover that recent immigrants do not have the same level of strong attachments to communal identities as those who have been in the country longer. The relationship between national pride and identification with "Canada as a whole" is positive and statistically significant (r = .243; p < .01). It is also understandable that recent immigrants are more likely than their counterparts to strongly identify as a citizen of the world.
However, there is evidence that the longer an individual lives in the new host country, the stronger the communal identities will become. Earlier immigrants are more similar to Canadian born respondents than recent immigrants.
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